SIERRA LEONE CRAZZY POLITICS

Saturday, 6 June 2026

DR SIAKA STEVENS G.C.R.S.L., G.C.M.G., D. C.L., REMEMBERED ON 29 MAY RIP

ON THIS DAY, 29th MAY 1988, DR SIAKA PROBYN STEVENS DEPARTED TO THE WORLD BEYOND. Born in Moyamba Southern Province on 24th August 1905, he died in Freetown, 29th May 1988.

Dr (Sir) Siaka Probyn Stevens, Grand Commanda of the Order of the Republic of Sierra Leone; Knighted in 1982 by Queen Elizabeth II as Grand Commander of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George; Doctor of Civil Laws, Honoris Causa, of the University of Sierra Leone 1969; Doctor of Laws, Honoris Causa, of Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, USA; Prime Minister of Sierra Leone 1967 (for a few days - ousted in a Military Coup - briefly exiled ). On return became Prime Minister again 1968 to 1971. In 1971, under New Republican Constitution became First Executive President 1971 - 1978 and Under the New One-Party State Constitution carried on as President until his voluntary retirement in 1985 and was succeeded by Major General Joseph Saidu Momoh, OBE - a Minister of State Army Affairs and long time member of Parliament.

Dr (Sir) Siaka Probyn Stevens was a founding member of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party in 1951, a Legislative Council Member from 1951 to 1957, and appointed SLPP first Minister of Lands, Mines and Labour under Sir Milton Margai in April 1953 - 1957. He lost his Parliamentary seat after an electoral petition following the 1957 elections. Breakaway with Mr (later Sir) Albert Margai younger half brother of Sir Milton Margai (and others) to form the Peoples National Party (PNP) as Co-Leader and Secretary. He was included in the United Front Government in 1959 and attended the Independence Constitutional Talks/Conference in 1960. He denounced the final independence agreement and refused to sign the final document: he “objected to some of the provisions in the proposed agreement (e.g. Freetown to remain a Naval Base for the UK) and also the manner in which members of the Sierra Leone delegation conducted the negotiations”.

On returning from these Independence Talks Dr Stevens was expelled from the National Front Government (and the PNP). He proceeded to launch the ELECTION BEFORE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT, which blended with the nucleus body of the emerging All Peoples Congress (APC) to which he became the leader, support of ITA Wallace Johnson, Dr Edward Wilmot Blyden III and the Chief of Kono PC Shar Songu Mbriwa).

Close to independence, opposition newspapers and pamphlets were rife, controversial and widely circulated. He published and circulated an “appraisal “ to the British MPs, warning of chaos and levied allegations of abuse of powers by the Prime Minister’s office and corruption. In a short while after and three weeks before Independence Day, Stevens and nearly forty (40) stalwarts of the Newly formed APC were arrested and detained at Pademba Road Prison accused of sedition, where they stayed until after the country’s attainment of Independence. It is well known that Sir Dr Milton Margai, as a joke, sent Whisky, Brandy and other drinks to the detainees to “celebrate” the Independence in prison. Most of detainees were released three/four weeks after Independence day.

At the elections in 1962 the APC led by Dr Siaka Stevens, won 16 seats out of 62 seats. This cemented the APC as the Primary opposition to the SLPP Government led by Sir Milton Margai (and later Sir Albert Margai) which won 28 seats. Six (6) independents members also won seats in that 1962 elections. Dr. Siaka Stevens was also Mayor of Freetown from 1962 to 1966 and opposition leader in parliament, simultaneously.

Following the death of Sir Milton Margai, Sir Albert having returned to the SLPP was appointed Prime Minister by the Governor General, Sir Henry Josiah Lightfoot Boston. The ensuing three years were volatile leading to the 1967 elections which the APC won, but amid the controversy, the Army headed by Brigadier David Lansana declared Martial Law staged a coup and put the Governor General under House arrest. Within 48 hours, Brigadier Lansana was overthrown by the three high level Majors: Augustine Blake, Kai Samba and Jumu. Siaka and Albert Margai were detained under “protective custody “.

These army officers formed the National Reformation Council (NRC). They invited Colonel Genda and Colonel Andrew Juxon Smith to lead them but dropped Genda for Juxon Smith. The NRC was itself overthrown 13 months after by junior NCOs in a Privates mutiny led by Private Morlai Kamara, supervised by by Sergeant Emadu Rogers and Patrick Conteh to lead them. That evening 17th April 1968, they arrested 76 Army Officers, and 48 Police Officers and early morning of 28th April 1968, Patrick CONTEH announced over Radio broadcast, the formation their a group the Anti Corruption Revolutionary Movement (A C R M ), Arrangements were hurriedly made to invite Colonel John Bangura who was in neighboring Guinea and Col Ambrose Genda who the NRC had sent to Liberia as Ambassador. Bangura arrived before Genda and took charge as head. He then formed the National Interim Council, (NIC), and announced his intention to “restore Constitutional Government “ in the shortest possible time”! He served also as Governor General for three days, and on Siaka Stevens triumphant return from exile in Guinea, on 24 April, Bangura recommended that Chief Justice Banja Tejan-Sie act as Governor General, whilst he returned to military duties.

Sir Albert Margai also returned home hoping to continue his leadership of the SLPP but his nomination was not seconded at the SLPP meeting on 25th April, a big humiliation which forced him to withdraw of his nomination and Mr Salia Jusu Sheriff then took on the leadership of the SLPP on that day.

On 26th April 1968, Jusu Sheriff and Siaka Stevens met with others to form a Unity Government under the guidance of the NIC and in the afternoon at a State House ceremony, Dr Saika Stevens was for the second time sworn in as Prime Minister by the acting Governor General - Chief Justice Sir Banja Tejan-Sie who became Governor General after. This was a Government with a 15 member cabinet: 6 from APC; 4 from SLPP; and 5 split between the Independents and Paramount Chiefs.

Dr Siaka was an ardent Trade Unionist- attended the Albeit Academy and Studied at Ruskin College Oxford. In 1982, during his State Visit to UK, invited by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, he was honoured with a high level ceremony at Ruskin College Oxford where he met some of his fellow students and a few of his tutors. On that visit Dr Stevens was appointed to the Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George (GCMG) by the late Queen Elizabeth II as Grand Commander and alps honoured at a lavish ceremony in the City of London by the Lord Mayor of London.

In his early days Dr Stevens worked as a Police Officer, a Station Master in DELCO Mines Railways and Secretary General of the Mines Union. He was married to Madam Rebecca Stevens and had several children and Grandchildren.

We remember Dr (Sir) Siaka Probyn Stevens today; the anniversary of his passing. As the then President and Chairman of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland Branch and London Constituency Chairman, I hear by share the momentous, together with my 1979 article in the We Yone Newspaper during his birthday celebrations in 1979. His life history is documented in his autobiography “What Life Has Taught Me”, published in 1984 by Kensal Press and launched in London in January 1985. RIP Dr (Sir) Siaka Probyn Stevens!

By Israel Ojekeh Parper Snr. London, 29th May 2026.

With Mrs Thatcher on State visit 1982

“AS I LOOK BACK UPON … MY LIFE, I AM GRATEFUL FOR ITS VARIETY AND ITS RICHNESS; FOR THE CHALLENGES AND SATISFACTION S IT HAS OFFERED ME; FOR WHAT IT GAS TAUGHT ME ;FOR THE HAPPY DAYS AND GOOD HEALTH I HAVE ENJOYED; FOR WHAT I WAS ABLE TO ACHIEVE FOR MY COUNTRY, MY PEOPLE, MY FRIENDS AND MY FAMILY; AND NOW, I AM……”[GONE: GOODBYE]!

DR ABASS BUNDU SPEAKER OF PARLIAMENT POURS COLD WATER OVER ALTERATION OF THE 1991 CONSTITUTION

https://www.thesierraleonetelegraph.com/speaker-of-sierra-leones-parliament-pours-cold-water-on-proposed-constitutional-changes/

January 18, 2022 Abdul Rashid Thomas

Dr Abass Chernoh Bundu

Your Excellency the President of the Republic, Hon. Vice-President, My Lord Chief Justice & Justices of Judicature, Ministers of Government, Honourable Members of Parliament, Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic & Consular Corps, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Good afternoon. I feel honoured to be invited to make a statement on the Role of Parliament in the Constitutional Review Process during this Launch by His Excellency the President of the Government White Paper on the Constitutional Review Process. And I would like to do so from the perspective of Parliament by making six cardinal points.

First, that Sierra Leone is a constitutional democracy and has been for the most part since she recovered her independence and sovereignty from Britain in April 1961. The promotion and maintenance of peace, security, order and good government in Sierra Leone is the primordial duty of every organ of State, including Parliament, the organ in which solely the power to make laws for the Republic is expressly and emphatically vested.

Second, that in the discharge of this primordial duty Parliament must take cognisance that not all the laws it makes are of equal value and quality. Some laws are, by definition, in a higher category than others. This differentiation of the laws passed by Parliament is clearly enshrined in Paragraph 15 of Section 171 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone 1991 (Act No.6 of 1991).

That Section reads: “This Constitution shall be the supreme law of Sierra Leone and any other law found to be inconsistent with any provision of this Constitution shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void and of no effect”. Thus stated, Section 171(15) gives supremacy to the Constitution of 1991 over all other laws, and it is incumbent upon all State organs to give primacy to the Constitution at all times.

Third, that in keeping with this doctrine of supremacy of the Constitution, not as much as a word can be altered in the Constitution unless it has received approbation on the second and third readings of the Bill purporting to make the alteration by the votes of not less than two-thirds of the Members of Parliament.

Furthermore, such a Bill must be duly published in at least two issues of the Gazette before its first reading in Parliament and not less than nine days must elapse between the first publication of the Bill in the Gazette and the second publication.

This procedural requirement is succinctly and mandatorily stated in Section 108 of the Constitution and it applies to the alteration of all the provisions of the Constitution.

Fourth, that where it is proposed to make a new Constitution or to alter any provision in the existing 1991 Constitution which is characterized as extraordinary or entrenched, there is an additional, even more stringent, procedural requirement that must be satisfied.

The Bill in which the alteration is proposed will not become law unless, after it has been expressly so passed by Parliament, has additionally been approved at a referendum by the people of Sierra Leone. For such a referendum to be valid, the votes cast must not be less than one-half of all persons qualified to vote in a Parliamentary election and not less than two-thirds of all the votes validly cast.

Fifth, that the Bill must not be submitted for Presidential Assent unless it has been certified by the Speaker of Parliament that all the referendum requirements have been satisfied and the Speaker’s Certificate is not only final and conclusive on the matter but is also given immunity from judicial scrutiny.

And sixth, that the framers of the 1991 Constitution were in no doubt about the centrality of the role of Parliament in the constitutional review process to the extent that the Constitution condemns as Treason any alteration, suspension or repeal of the Constitution that is made by means other than under the authority of Parliament.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, what I have just stated represents the law of the Constitution relating to its alteration. Whether a proposed alteration is doable or not, is a separate issue altogether. If, for example, an alteration is proposed to be passed by the present Fifth Parliament then its do-ability has to be judged relative to the composition of Parliament at the time. Let me now dwell on this briefly.

The Fifth Parliament of the Second Republic started its life after the Parliamentary Election in March 2018 with a total composition of 146 Members comprising 68 Members representing the APC Party; 49 Members of the SLPP; 8 Members of the C4C; 4 Members of the NGC; 3 Independents and 14 Honourable Paramount Chiefs.

Today, through the natural effluxion of life alone, Parliament has lost to eternity no fewer than 6 Members of Parliament including an Honourable Paramount Chief and its current membership has dwindled to 144 Members comprising 58 from the SLPP; 57 from the APC; 8 from the C4C; 4 from the NGC, 3 Independents and 14 Paramount Chiefs.

Now any amendment requires a vote of two-thirds majority in Parliament before it can be passed into law. This means at least 96 affirmative votes. With the composition just indicated, except for Bills for the alteration of mundane ordinary provisions of the Constitution in which all the major parties represented in Parliament have a shared interest, all other Bills face a tall order in the present Hung Fifth Parliament, and it is well-nigh impossible to predict the outcome with any degree of For example, if there is a Government Bill to amend the Constitution, even if it is able to attract all 58 votes of the SLPP, all 14 votes of the Paramount Chiefs, all 8 votes of the C4C, all 4 votes of the NGC and all 3 votes of the Independent Members, it would still require 9 votes from the APC to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority.

In these circumstances I can only express my utmost best wishes to any person desirous of passing a constitutional amendment in this Fifth Hung Parliament of the Second Republic particularly in these most exacting Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me to further adumbrate one other salient observation. The framers of the 1991 Constitution were, in my humble opinion, quite deliberate and calculated when they made extraordinarily stringent conditions for the alteration of the provisions of the Constitution, even to the extent of declaring it an act of treason if any alteration or repeal of the Constitution didn’t first obtain the authorisation of Parliament.

I think they must have been inspired by their own unique experience and knowledge of history to make that kind of prescription. They deemed it to be inimical to the interests of the people of Sierra Leone to make it easy for anyone to tinker with the sanctity and sacred nature of our Constitution.

Strong reasons must be given for any alteration of the Constitution and they must not only be reasonable, sound and powerful but overwhelmingly so if not absolutely necessary. In other words, it was their way of admonishing future generations to make haste slowly in any attempt to introduce alterations to that sacred In this regard, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is instructive to recall the history of previous attempts that have been made to amend the 1991 Constitution since its promulgation in October 1991. The first attempt was in 1993 by a Commission set up by the NPRC under the chairmanship of the late Ahmad Tejan Kabbah and the second was in 2008 by a committee led by Dr. Peter Tucker. Neither attempt came to fruition for want of a referendum.

The third attempt was in 2013 by the Justice Edmund Cowan Commission established by former President Ernest Bai Koroma. It turned out to be the most trumpeted and the most costly and yet it came to nothing because even though the Commission’s recommendations found strong resonance with the will of the people, Koroma’s Government issued a White Paper cherry-picking what it was comfortable with while rejecting the rest. Nor did their draft Constitutional Amendment Bill of 2017 find favour with the Parliament that was hurriedly summoned on the eve of its dissolution on 6 December 2017.

Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen, from the perspective of Parliament, therefore, I would say that the challenges faced by our nation today are as alive as they were in 2008 and 2017 and they behove us all to maintain for now our unflinching fidelity to the 1991 Constitution and allow it to grow and mature to full blossom, except for a few ordinary mundane provisions able to galvanise a common interest for change amongst all the parties represented in the current Fifth Parliament. The rest can wait for more propitious circumstances to prevail.

With that, Ladies and Gentlemen, I thank you all for your kind attention.

DR ABASS BUNDU SPEAKER OF PARLIAMENT POURS COLD WATER OVER ALTERATION OF THE 1991 CONSTITUTION

Credit: The Sierra Leone Telegraph.Com - Editor -Abdul Rashid Thomas}

This procedural requirement is succinctly and mandatorily stated in Section 108 of the Constitution and it applies to the alteration of all the provisions of the Constitution.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, what I have just stated represents the law of the Constitution relating to its alteration. Whether a proposed alteration is doable or not, is a separate issue altogether. If, for example, an alteration is proposed to be passed by the present Fifth Parliament then it’s do-ability has to be judged relative to the composition of Parliament at the time. Let me now dwell on this briefly.

For example, if there is a Government Bill to amend the Constitution, even if it is able to attract all 58 votes of the SLPP, all 14 votes of the Paramount Chiefs, all 8 votes of the C4C, all 4 votes of the NGC and all 3 votes of the Independent Members, it would still require 9 votes from the APC to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority.

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me to further adumbrate one other salient observation. The framers of the 1991 Constitution were, in my humble opinion, quite deliberate and calculated when they made extraordinarily stringent conditions for the alteration of the provisions of the Constitution, even to the extent of declaring it an act of treason if any alteration or repeal of the Constitution didn’t first obtain the authorisation of Parliament.

In this regard, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is instructive to recall the history of previous attempts that have been made to amend the 1991 Constitution since its promulgation in October 1991. The first attempt was in 1993 by a Commission set up by the NPRC under the chairmanship of the late Ahmad Tejan Kabbah and the second was in 2008 by a committee led by Dr. Peter Tucker. Neither attempt came to fruition for want of a referendum.

With that, Ladies and Gentlemen, I thank you all for your kind attention.

Sunday, 26 April 2026

FROM CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM TO CRISIS: SIERRA LEONE’S JOURNEY FROM 1947 TO 1968

FROM CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM TO CRISIS: SIERRA LEONE’S JOURNEY FROM 1947 TO 1968

A 65th Independence Anniversary Feature Article

By Israel Ojekeh Parper Snr. (Blogger)

Introduction: A Nation Shaped by Reform, Rivalry, and Resilience

As Sierra Leone marks 65 years of independence, it is important to revisit the long arc of political evolution that carried the country from the constitutional reforms of the late 1940s to the turbulence of the 1967–1968 constitutional crisis. Independence on 27 April 1961 was not an isolated event; it was the culmination of two decades of constitutional engineering, political realignment, and leadership transitions. The story begins not in 1960 at Lancaster House, but in 1947, when a new constitution fundamentally altered the balance of political power in the country.

This article traces that journey — from Governor Stevenson’s reforms, through the rise of the SLPP, the fractures of the 1950s, the independence settlement, and finally the constitutional crisis that brought Siaka Stevens to power in 1968.

1. Governor Stevenson and the 1947 Constitution: The Beginning of Modern Politics

The modern political history of Sierra Leone begins with Governor Hubert Stevenson, whose administration introduced the 1947 Constitution — a transformative document that shifted political power away from the Colony’s Creole elite and toward a more inclusive national structure.

Key features of the 1947 Constitution:

• Expanded African representation in the Legislative Council

•Introduced Protectorate Members, giving chiefs and educated elites a formal political voice

• Reduced the dominance of the Colony’s political class

• Created the conditions for national political parties to emerge

Governor Hubert Stevenson’s reforms were not universally welcomed.

The Creole‑dominated National Council of Sierra Leone (NCSL), led by Dr H C Bankole Bright, opposed the dilution of Colony influence. But the reforms opened the door for Protectorate leaders to participate meaningfully in national politics for the first time.

This constitutional shift laid the foundation for the 1951 elections, the first in which Protectorate representation was substantial. It was the beginning of a new political era.

2. Governor George Beresford‑Stooke and the Rise of the SLPP (1948–1956)

Governor George Beresford‑Stooke inherited Stevenson’s reforms and oversaw their implementation. His tenure saw the emergence of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) in 1951 — a broad coalition of Protectorate chiefs, educated elites, and Freetown intellectuals.

Founders and early leaders of the SLPP included:

• Sir Milton Margai, a respected medical doctor

• Rev. Etheldred Jones (Lamina Sankoh), founder of the Freetown People’s Party

• Edward Wilmot Blyden III, grandson of the famed pan‑Africanist

• A network of paramount chiefs and local leaders

The SLPP’s strength lay in its ability to bridge the Colony–Protectorate divide. In the 1951 elections, the SLPP won the majority of Protectorate seats, marking the decline of the NCSL and the rise of a new national political order.

The 1957 Elections: A Turning Point

Under Beresford‑Stooke’s administration, the 1957 elections further entrenched SLPP dominance:

• The NCSL was wiped out

• The United Progressive Party (UPP), led by I. T. A. Wallace‑Johnson and Cyril Rogers‑Wright, emerged as the main opposition

• Internal tensions within the SLPP began to surface

These tensions would soon lead to the first major fracture within the Protectorate political elite.

3. The Breakaway: Stevens and Albert Margai Form the PNP (1958)

By 1958, disagreements within the SLPP over leadership, policy direction, and the pace of decolonisation led Siaka Stevens and Albert Margai to break away and form the People’s National Party (PNP).

Why the split mattered:

• It marked the first major division within the Protectorate elite

• It created a new political axis beyond the Colony–Protectorate divide

• It introduced a more assertive, populist style of politics

Stevens, a former trade unionist and Minister of Mines, Lands and Labour, brought labour and urban support. Albert Margai brought legal expertise and political ambition. Together, they challenged the SLPP’s dominance.

4. The United National Front and the Road to Independence (1960)

As independence negotiations approached, Sir Milton Margai sought to present a united Sierra Leonean delegation. In 1960, he helped form the United National Front (UNF), which included:

• SLPP.; PNP; UPP etc.

• Independent chiefs

• Intellectuals such as Dr. Blyden III

The UNF travelled to London for the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference, where the terms of independence were negotiated.

The official outcome:

• Independence date set for 27 April 1961

• Agreement on fundamental rights, constitutional amendments, and governance structures

• Plan for post‑independence mutual defence cooperation with Britain.

But beneath the surface, unity was fragile.

5. Stevens Refuses to Sign: The Birth of the APC (1960–1961)

At the end of the conference, Siaka Stevens refused to sign the final communiqué, citing:

1. No elections before independence

Stevens had lost his seat in 1957. Without fresh elections, he would be excluded from the independence government.

2. Alleged “secret defence pact”

Stevens claimed the SLPP had agreed to a defence arrangement with Britain that compromised sovereignty.

The official documents mention only a standard Commonwealth defence cooperation clause, but the lack of transparency allowed Stevens to frame it as a secret deal.

The Aftermath:

• Stevens was expelled from the UNF

• He formed the Elections Before Independence Movement (EBIM)

• EBIM evolved into the All People’s Congress (APC) in 1960–61

The APC became the main opposition party, drawing support from trade unions, urban workers, and those who felt excluded from the independence settlement.

6. Independence and the Margai Governments (1961–1967)

Sir Milton Margai (1961–1964)

Sierra Leone became independent on 27 April 1961, with Sir Milton Margai as the first Prime Minister. His government was marked by:

• Stability and moderation

• Strong relations with Britain

• Inclusive governance

• Respect for constitutional norms

Sir Milton’s leadership helped Sierra Leone navigate the early years of independence peacefully. His death in 1964 marked the end of an era.

Sir Albert Margai (1964–1967)

Albert Margai succeeded his brother but adopted a more assertive and centralising style. His tenure saw:

• Rising tensions with the APC

• Accusations of partisanship and attempts to strengthen SLPP dominance

• A politically charged atmosphere leading into the 1967 elections

The stage was set for a constitutional crisis.

7. The 1967 Elections, Coups, and Stevens’ Double Swearing‑In (1967–1968)

The 1967 general elections were fiercely contested. The APC claimed victory, and Siaka Stevens was sworn in as Prime Minister. But within hours, the military intervened. Brigadier David Lansana declared MartialLaw, ordered Sam Ingah Norman to stop the swearing-in of APC Ministers by the Governor General and arrested all of them.

Sequence of events:

1. Stevens sworn in as Prime Minister

2. Military coup removes him immediately

3. National Reformation Council (NRC) takes power

4. Counter‑coup in 1968 restores civilian rule

5. Stevens is sworn in again, becoming Prime Minister for the second time

This period marked the collapse of the independence‑era constitutional order and the beginning of a new political chapter dominated by the APC.

EPILOGUE:

Sierra Leone’s Economic Standing at Independence

The economic excerpts from the period — including statements by Secretary of State Ian Macleod, Governor‑General Sir Maurice Dorman, and Sir Milton Margai — paint a picture of cautious optimism.

Key economic indicators at independence:

• Revenue had grown significantly from the late colonial period

• Sierra Leone had spent £25 million on development projects in the decade before independence

• Britain had provided:• £3.7 million in loans

• £5 million in grants

• Additional £2 million in post‑independence support

• Sierra Leone had also borrowed £3 million for ongoing development programmes.

Sir Maurice Dorman emphasised that Sierra Leone was not wholly dependent on outside aid, noting that much of the development spending came from local resources.

Sir Milton Margai expressed gratitude for British assistance but stressed Sierra Leone’s commitment to responsible self‑government and economic progress.

The Secretary of State Ian Macleod watched his comments on future continued friendships- “ By signing this Report, I am…registering the birth of independent Sierra Leone on 27th April 1961. This is the great result of our talks. They have been married by friendship and cordiality, while not lacking in frankness and plain speaking. Sierra Leone and Britain have been friends before 150 years. All of us who have taken part in the talks see no reason why as independent states we should not remain close friends for as many years to come …”

The economic foundation at independence was modest but promising — a blend of local effort, British support, and optimism for the future.

VIRTUAL TIMELINE (1947–1968):

1947 - Governor Stevenson introduces the 1947 Constitution

• Expanded African representation; Protectorate Members added

1951 • SLPP formed; wins elections

1957 - SLPP consolidates power. NCSL collapses; UPP emerges

1958 Stevens and Albert Margai form the PNP.

1960 - United National Front formed

Lancaster House Conference

Stevens refuses to sign communiqué

EBIM → APC

27 April 1961 - Sierra Leone becomes independent; Sir Milton Margai becomes Prime Minister

1964 - Sir Milton dies; Sir Albert becomes Prime Minister

1967 - APC claims victory; Siaka Stevens sworn in → coup → NRC rule

1968 - Counter‑coup restores civilian

1971 - Sierra Leone transforms into a Republican constitutional state; but the coups did not stop - the situation

Conclusion:

Carrying the Story Forward.

Sixty‑five years after the green, white and blue was first raised, Sierra Leone’s constitutional story still speaks with remarkable clarity. It reminds us that nations are not born in a single moment, nor shaped by a single leader, but forged through decades of negotiation, disagreement, reform and resilience. From Governor Stevenson’s 1947 constitutional reset, through the rise of the SLPP, the fractures that produced the PNP and APC, the unity and tensions of the Lancaster House delegation, and the turbulence of 1967–1968, Sierra Leone’s early political journey was complex — but it was also purposeful.

Independence did not erase differences; it gave the country the responsibility to manage them. The leaders of that era — The Margai brothers, Siaka Stevens, Rev. E. N Jones (aka Lamina Sankoh), E W Blyden III, Dr Bankole Bright, I T A Wallace‑Johnson, Rogers‑Wright, M S Mustapha, John Karefa Smart, Chief Bai Koblo, Chief Jai Kai Kai, Kamdeh Bureh, and many others — disagreed passionately about the path forward, yet each contributed to the architecture of the modern state. Their debates, alliances and rivalries shaped the institutions we inherited and the political culture we continue to refine.

As the country reflects on 65 years of sovereignty, the lesson is not that our past was perfect, but that it was ours — built through struggle, compromise and determination; yet the struggle continues and shows no sign of abatement. The constitutional story from 1947 to 1968/71 shows a nation learning to govern itself, to correct itself, and to keep moving forward even when the path was uncertain.

Independence is not a destination; it is a responsibility renewed by every generation. And as Sierra Leone looks ahead, the most powerful tribute we can pay to those who carried us to freedom is to continue the work they began: strengthening our institutions, deepening our democracy, and ensuring that the promise of self‑government is felt in every community, in every district, and in every life.

Ali Ganda: Freedom In April 1961

https://youtu.be/e2F0r1-cITk?si=4HbbjliwxrdAHBuO

Israel Ojekeh Parper Snr. [Author (c)]

Friday, 12 January 2018

TITBITS OF OUR SIERRA LEONE CONSTITUTION

DID THE DRAFTMEN OF THE SIERRA LEONE 1991 CONSTITUTION FORESEE THESE DILEMMAS 30 YEARS AHEAD OR WHERE THEY DRAFTING FOR THE MOMENT IN CONTEXT?

https://www.facebook.com/israel.parpersnr/posts/10215334787792275

DIASPORAS WITH DUAL CITIZENSHIP MAY BE DISQUALIFIED FROM CONTESTING THE 7th March 2018 GENERAL ELECTIONS AS SUCH DUAL CITIZENSHIP CONTRADICTS SECTION 76 (1) OF THE 1991 SIERRA LEONE CONSTITUTION.

DESPITE THE FACT THAT THERE HAS BEEN FOUR (4) GENERAL ELECTIONS SINCE THE INCEPTION AND OPERATION OF THE 1991 CONSTITUTION IN WHICH SIERRA LEONEANS FROM THE DIASPORA HAD PARTICIPATED AND HAVE BEEN APPOINTED MINISTERS BY SLPP AND APC PARTIES RESPECTIVELY THE ATTORNEY GENERAL CAUTIONS AGAINST THIS BREACH FOLLOWING THE INTERVENTION A FEW WEEKS AGO BY MR FRANCIS GABBIDON - A BARRISTER AND SOLICITOR, FORMER OMBUDSMAN AND LECTURER AT THE SCHOOL OF LAW, UNIVERSITY OF SIERRA LEONE.

Once again, we see an unforeseen mischief within the 1991 constitution drafted by our clever men and women in the Constitutional Review Committee headed by Dr Sir Peter Tucker 30 years hence! This is another omission/gaff in the 1991 constitution as was bitterly exposed in the Ex VP Sam Sumana saga which the Supreme Court gave final judgement sometime ago but still generating argument after the EOWAS debacle.

Strasser appointed Tejan Kabba to Review the constitution: after a much wasted money the draft was dumped. One major pin in the saga was the DUAL CITIZENSHIP ISSUE. I recall one Irish lady married to a Sierra Leonean. She was very concerned about her children who are half Irish and half Sierra Leonean. That provision by dint of its non-application has become redundant as MPs and Ministers have been in the system since elections in 1996 and 2002, which the SLPP ’won’! and ruled up to 2007. The place of the diaspora is important for a the country. This provision was an oversight by our clever constitutional drafters again trying to copy cat (falamakata) laws that are not fit for our own country’s purposes. The new Parliament must repeal this confused non-beneficial provision!

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I have always proclaimed that there in nothing like ‘a bad law’! The Law is the Law and it remains so until it is repealed or amended. This provision is another facet of our copy- cat mentality in Sierra Leone. Our constitutional draftsmen sitting in the Constitutional Review Committee headed by Sir zoster Tucker in 1990/1 supported by the likes of other cleaver legally eminent men (and women) who drafted, discussed and pushed the 1991 Constitution to be rubber stamped by Parliament did not foresee this mischief their copying (and pasting) of other jurisdiction’s provisions will result in. New Zealand and Australia have these provisions and being Commonwealth countries, our lawyers most of the time take cognisance of their Case laws, statutes and other legal provisions. The whole thing becomes more confused, in recent times since the late 1960s/early 1970s when our new lawyers do not rely only on British Legal Training. A very well known politician who himself is a constitutional lawyer obtained his Bar in Australia after gaining his first level law degree in Cambridge and has been before selfishly getting himself into Sierra Leone Politics and now messed up, took part in several world wide constitutional issues. The combination of all this learning, and our propensity to COPY-CAT (‘FALAMAKATA’), puts us in all sorts of trouble. The same level of confusion created by this copy-cat mentality brought about the Sam Sumana debacle where the Executive President’s hand was tied behind his back and had to embark on an escapologist gamble to sack his recalsitrant Vice President who can no longer be a ‘Team Player’ but an embarrassment and an albatrust. The Judges Of the Supreme Court had to strain themselves to reach a controversial and difficult decision which has now been muddled up by the Regional ECOWAS COURT who should not have entertain any line of reference to that case at all shot of threading on the toes of our soverignity and a our Supreme Court’s and our Constitution’s superiority and provisions.

Captain Valentine Strasser tried to interfere with this same case of Dual Nationality when he appointed Tejan Kabba as Chairman Of his Constitutional Review Committee. After having committed treason with MAADA Bio Capt S A J Musa, Nuyma and others, and suspended the President Joseph Saidu Momoh’s 1991 constitution which was already in force ushering new parties to our new democracy and back to multi- partyism, they wasted a lot of money in this futile venture only to DUMP the draft of the New Constitution into the ‘gutter’. One of the bone of contentions , I fully recall, was this DUAL CITIZENSHIP issue. One Irish lady (can’t recall the name now) took them to task as she was married to a Sierra Leonean. Her arguments were for the sake of her children who had duality Of citizenship - IRISH AND SIERRA LEONE! And much more. But thank God all went ‘hay while’ and after many months of no White Paper coming out the whole thing was DUMPED and Tejan Kabba hang to dry up with the failed process!

If our learned Cambridge Jurist luminary, Hon Justice Dr Abdul Conteh had had DUAL nationality in 1992 when those little SOJA Boys overthrew the APC Government (being a one time Foreign Minister (and I think Vice President), he would not have suffered the humiliation he did undergo when he escaped by fisherman canoe, through bush road, through to Belgium and finally to England. Trusting that he had a house in London and the then Conservative lady Overseas Minister (who was so, much unhelpful to the Sierra Leone crisis unlike the much more high profile Labour Secretary Of State Clare Short)was his ‘contemporary’ and so called ‘friend’ he will be given asylum with little difficulty. BIG NO! Dr Conteh was askad to leave under the threat of deportation! Belgium was considered his first port of call for asylum basis nevertheless he had a house in England and no house in Belgium. The case took several months in the UK Courts but had to fight hard outside to and from Belgium. The point I am making here is that diasporaians take DUAL Citizenry for future protection in the country in which they live (provided they are qualified) to avoid unforeseen situations like that of Dr Abdulai Conteh who for the past almost 20 years now serve British Carribean Territories as Chief Justice etc. THE LAW IS THE LAW NO MATTER WHAT YOUR STATUS IS! The law must be obeyed and enforced no matter what embarrassment it may bring to the government of the day! Yes, this disqualification May embarrass and inconvenient the APC (and ALL political participants in this election. This sort or quagmire ignites the adage”...THE LAW IS AN ASS”! SO, The NEW PARLIAMENT POST 7th MARCH 2018, MUST QUICKLY PASS AMEMDED LEGISLATION to remove this mischief which our Able Artorney General has now earmarked - (thanks to my very good friend and brother Francis Gabbidon. Mama Oni will be proud of you for bringing out such rectification and hope our cleaver men and women will follow suit in situations where necessary without fear or favour. The only thin line of reprieve for our dual citizenship aspirants (who may be deprived from contesting the elections) is that they could test the varasity of this ‘unfair’ provision through the discrimination vs Equality Rules with a HUMAN RIGHTS’LAW face, and let the judiciary - The SUPREME COURT- have a game of JUDICIAL REVIEW of the Attorney General’s stance being that since the constitution became effective, there has been at least four (4) General elections in which diasporas with DUAL CITIZENSHIPS have participated, Ministers appointed without much ado. Effectively, those provisions are “REDUNDANT” and by action in the electoral processes by ALL political parties, nullified and practically dead. BUT IT MAY BE ARGUED THAT “THE LAW IS THE LAW”! as there is nothing like “A BAD LAW”. Since it is in the Statute Books until repealed or amended it is ‘good law’. YOU EITHER OBEY THE LAW OR BE SANCTIONED BY THE AUTHORITIES (OR EVEN BY YOUR OWN PEERS)! LUNTA!!

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THIS DUAL CITIZENSHIP DISENFRANCHISEMENT DEBACLE IS A DILEMMA WHICH OUR 1991 CONSTITUTIONAL DRAFTSMEN DID NOT FORESEE OR EXPECT TO CAUSE NATIONAL UNFAIRNESS TO ALL POLITICAL PARTIES AND CITIZENS OF SIERRA LEONE.

WAS THIS THE REAL INTENTION OF SECTION 76(1) OF THE SIERRA LEONE (1991) CONSTITUTION? I PRAY THE ATTORNEY GENERAL TO REFERENCE CASE NOW WITH THE CHIEF JUSTICE AT THE SUPEME COURT TO TEST THE VERACITY AND FAIRNESS OF THIS PROVISION.

Culled from Cocorioko News

Quote:

DIASPORAS WITH DUAL CITIZENSHIP MAY BE DISQUALIFIED FROM CONTESTING THE 7th March 2018 GENERAL ELECTIONS AS SUCH DUAL CITIZENSHIP CONTRADICTS THE 1991 SIERRA LEONE CONSTITUTION.

DESPITE THE FACT THAT THERE HAS BEEN FOUR (4) GENERAL ELECTIONS SINCE THE INCEPTION AND OPERATION OF THE 1991 CONSTITUTION IN WHICH SIERRA LEONEANS FROM THE DIASPORA HAD PARTICIPATED AND HAVE BEEN APPOINTED MINISTERS BY SLPP AND APC PARTIES RESPECTIVELY THE ATTORNEY GENERAL CATIONS AGAINST THIS BREACH FOLLOWING THE INTERVENTION A FEW WEEKS AGO BY MR FRANCIS GARBIDDON - A BARRISTER AND SOLICITOR, FORMER OMBUDSMAN AND LECTURER AT THE SCHOOL OF LAW, UNIVERSITY OF SIERRA LEONE.

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Culled from Cocorioko News

Quote:

Ambassador to the UN predicts robust action by incoming Parliament to address dual citizenship issue

Sierra Leone’s Ambassador to the UN predicts robust action by incoming Parliament to address dual citizenship issue

January 12, 2018 Publisher and Chief Executive Officer KABS KANU

BY KABS KANU

The Permanent Representative of Sierra Leone to the United Nations, Ambassador Adikalie Foday Sumah, has said that it is his belief that the new incoming Parliament will robustly deal with Section 76(1) of the Sierra Leone constitution with a view to resolving the issues it has created in the national polity.

Ambassador Sumah , who was responding to questions from the COCORIOKO Newspaper, which sought his opinion on the present situation where diasporans with dual citizenship were denied symbols to contest for parliamentary seats, described Section 76(1) as “a hot potato of national constitutional ingredient that has affected political parties across the broad spectrum of the nation” .

The UN Ambassador, a celebrated legal luminary , reader and commentator on the laws of the constitution, stated that “the dual citizenship issue should not be viewed with a monofocal bird’s eye view on the narrow perspectives of politics , designed to marginalize the diaspora. Rather, it should be seen as a legislative and judicial conundrum to be addressed “. He is calling on all supporters of the various parties to remain calm and law abiding and seek peaceful means to resolve it . He stressed that : “It is a constitutional and legal matter between the Legislature and the Judiciary. ”

Ambassador Sumah is of the conviction that the Legislative, as per Section 105 of the Sierra Leone Constitution , that is vested with the unfettered competence to legislate law of and for Sierra Leone , can amend any laws of its legislation; and the judiciary , in the stead of the Supreme Court of Sierra Leone, has exclusive jurisdiction to interpret the constitution of the Republic of Sierra Leone, and any other laws enacted by the Parliament of Sierra Leone , pursuant to Section 124 of the 1991 Constitution.

Ambassador Sumah emphasized the point that everybody is affected, as long as they are connected to the diaspora and it is for this reason that he is calling for Sierra Leoneans to collectively work together across party lines to circumvent the apparent disenfranchisement and marginalization of the diaspora, which is regarded as the sixth district of the Republic of Sierra Leone.

Ambassador Sumah is therefore calling on all Sierra Leoneans in the diaspora to work together with their respective political parties to ensure that the constitutional and legal issues raised by Section 76 (1) is addressed during the incumbency of the incoming Parliament to make sure that diasporans are not disenfranchised.

Ambassador Sumah’s advice is designed to calm down rising passions and help Sierra Leoneans understand that this is not an APC political policy intended to marginalize the diaspora but a constitutional issue which must be addressed in a concerted manner devoid of passion to bring clarity and possible solutions to the situation.

Ambassador to the UN predicts robust action by incoming Parliament to address dual citizenship issue

Sierra Leone’s Ambassador to the UN predicts robust action by incoming Parliament to address dual citizenship issue

January 12, 2018 Publisher and Chief Executive Officer KABS KANU

BY KABS KANU

https://www.facebook.com/israel.parpersnr/posts/10215321341696131

IT IS GETTING MORE AND MORE INTERESTING: Click Link.

https://www.facebook.com/pierre.dumbuya/posts/10213026005862205

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1596162550443401&id=274386835954319

Courtesy: Abdul Kabba:Facebook post: Cocorioko Forum

🇸🇱 *SIERRA LEONEANS WITH DUAL CITIZENSHIP CAN BE MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT*

A response to the flawed opinion of barrister-at-law Francis Gabbidon

“SIERRA LEONEANS WITH DUAL CITIZENSHIP CANNOT BE MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT”

By Abdul Kabba, a citizen of Sierra Leone.

In a published and widely circulated article written by the aforesaid Barrister Francis Gabbidon, he opined that “Sierra Leoneans who hold DUAL CITIZENSHIP are not allowed to contest in the elections for MEMBERSHIP of Parliament; either as a candidate for a political party or as an independents candidate.” Citing Section 76(1) of the 1991 Constitution, Act no 6 of 1991 which states.

“no person shall be qualified for election as a member of Parliament (a) if he is a naturalized citizen of Sierra Leone or is a citizen of a country other than Sierra Leone having become such a citizen voluntarily or is under a Declaration of Allegiance to such a country."

Mr. Gabbidon then proceeded to site an example where the Australian High Court invalidated the Deputy Prime Minister of Australia, Mr. Barnaby George Election after it was discovered that he held dual citizenship as he was also a citizen of New Zealand by virtue of his dad been born in New Zealand.

Mr. Gabbidon further opined that “The High Court of Australia stated in the judgement to the petition.

“at the date of his nomination Mr. Joyce was incapable of being chosen or sitting as a member of the House of Representative because he was a citizen of New Zealand” said the Court.

Australia’s Constitution Bars dual citizens from sitting in Parliament defining them as “any person who is under any Acknowledgement of Allegiance, Obedience or Adherence to another country.”

Therefore

“Consequently, as Sierra Leoneans with dual citizenship cannot be elected members of parliament they cannot also be appointed Ministers of Government by the President.”

I beg to differ with the opinion of Mr. Gabbidon in the instance that the citizenship laws of Australia are fundamentally different that the citizenship laws of Sierra Leone especially in relation to the eligibility of dual citizens being eligible to be elected as members of parliament and to be appointed as ministers of government by the president of Sierra Leone. Furthermore Australia is the exception rather than the norm for nations with advanced democracies as Great Britain, France, Canada and the United States to name a few, do allow citizens with dual nationalities to run for public office with the most recent high profile example being Senator Ted Cruz, a citizen of Canada and of the United States, who is a long serving senator in the United States congress, a senior member of the Republican party and was also a presidential candidate vying for the Republican ticket in the most recent presidential elections in the United States.

While it is agreed that the 1991 constitution is the supreme law of the land and any law, act or amendment that contradicts the 1991 constitution is null and void it is in my opinion that the 2006 citizenship amendment that allows for dual citizenship does not contradict the 1991 constitution.

*In my estimation, Mr. Gabbidon’s opinion is flawed in two instances:*

1. First he failed to take into consideration that Section 76(1) of the 1991 constitution was looking backwards to the 1973 Citizens act which did not allow for dual citizenship and therefore when the 1973 act was amended it changed the import and relevance of Section 76(1) of the 1991 constitution which, I submit, at the time of it’s construction did not take into consideration the advent of dual citizenship.

*The relevant portion of Section 76(1) state:*

“76. (1) No person shall be qualified for election as a Member of Parliament—

a. if he is a naturalised citizen of Sierra Leone or is a citizen of a country other than Sierra Leone having become such a citizen voluntarily or is under a declaration of allegiance to such a country…”

*The relevant portions of the 1973 citizenship acts state:*

*PART II - CITIZENSHIP BY BIRTH*

*2. Citizenship by birth*

Every person who, having been born in Sierra Leone before the nineteenth day of April, 1971, or who was resident in Sierra Leone on the eighteenth day of April, 1971, and not the subject of any other State shall, on the nineteenth day of April, 1971, be deemed to be a citizen of Sierra Leone by birth:

Provided that-

(a)his father or his grandfather was born in Sierra Leone; and

(b)he is a person of negro African descent;

*3. Citizenship by birth in Sierra Leone*

Every person born in Sierra Leone on or after the nineteenth day of April, 1971, in the circumstances set out in section 2, shall be deemed to be a citizen of Sierra Leone by birth.

*PART IV - DUAL CITIZENSHIP*

*10. Dual citizenship*

No person shall have Sierra Leone citizenship and any other citizenship at one and the same time.

*11. Loss of Sierra Leone citizenship by person of dual citizenship*

Any person who, upon attaining the age of twenty-one years, is a citizen of Sierra Leone and also a citizen of another country shall cease to be a citizen of Sierra Leone upon his attaining the age of twenty-two years, (or in the case of a person of unsound mind, at such later date as may be prescribed) unless he has complied with paragraphs (a), (b) and (c) of section 9.

*The relevant portions of the Sierra Leone Citizenship (Amendment Act) 2006 state:*

*Being an Act to amend the Sierra Leone Citizenship Act, 1973 so as to grant the right of dual citizenship..*

Section 10 of the principal Act is repealed and replaced by the following section:-

10. A citizen of Sierra Leone may hold a citizenship of another country in addition to his citizenship of Sierra Leone".

It is clear that the authors of the constitution did not take dual citizenship into consideration when inserting section 76(1) into the constitution as the section makes no reference to a situation in which a person can be a citizen of Sierra Leone and of another country as the 1973 citizenship act section 10 did not allow for dual citizenship.

I submit that Section 76 of the 1991 constitution is predicated on section 10 of the 1973 citizenship act which affirms that by becoming a citizen of another country you have automatically given up your citizenship and allegiance to Sierra Leone, which in a dual citizenship situation does not hold true as the person is still a citizen of Sierra Leone by birth and has only acquired citizenship in another country without given up his or her citizenship or allegiance to Sierra Leone.

2. Mr. Gabbidon also failed to take into consideration section 75 of the constitution which states that.

“75. Subject to the provisions of section 76, any person who—

a. *is a citizen of Sierra Leone (otherwise than by naturalization);* and

b. has attained the age of twenty-one years; and

c. is an elector whose name is on a register of electors under the Franchise and Electoral Registration Act, 1961, or under any Act of Parliament amending or replacing that Act; and

d. is able to speak and to read the English Language with a degree of proficiency sufficient to enable him to take an active part in the proceedings of Parliament,

shall be qualified for election as such a Member of Parliament”

I further submit to you that section 75 of the constitution settles the matter on whether or not a dual citizen is qualified for election and can be a member of parliament as it clearly states that if you are a citizen of Sierra Leone subject to the provisions of section 76 then you are qualified to be elected to parliament.

Section 76 does not nullify or void a Sierra Leonean’s dual citizenship status as guaranteed by the 2006 citizenship amendment act. This fact clearly manifests that section 76 was predicated on section 10 of the 1973 citizenship act that did not allow for dual citizenship and since the 2006 amendment has nullified section 10 and now allows for dual citizenship then a Sierra Leonean citizen by birth who has not given up their citizenship voluntarily is qualified to be elected to parliament.

Therefore, I submit that Mr. Gabbidon’s summation or opinion that a dual citizen cannot be elected to parliament is flawed and incorrect and that Sierra Leone like most of the advanced democracies in the world like Great Britain, the United States of America, Canada and France now allows dual citizens to run for parliament or her equivalent, as provided for in our 1991 constitution and the subsequent 2006 citizenship amendment act.

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https://www.facebook.com/groups/581132378596821/permalink/876400249070031/

See this argument about our constitution below.

{Courtesy: Rosetta B. Zizer-Springer> Post in: Sierra Leone Constitutional Review and Petition Forum}

11 MOST FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS ON THE CURRENT CONSTITUTIONAL MATTER AND BEFITTING ANSWERS

1. Was the former Vice President voted for?

Ans:

a) His name and face were not on the ballot paper

b) Only Ernest Bai Koroma's name, and the name and symbol of his party, the APC, were on the ballot paper, and it was the Name, Ernest Bai Koroma, APC that was announced as having won the elections. The former Vice President was only a beneficiary of that election that even law says is 'only regarded' as vice president because the person whose name was on the ballot had won the elections.

2. Can the President relieve the Vice President of his duty?

Ans:

a) If the VP loses one of the express and continuous requirements of section 41 of the 1991 Constitution the President as custodian of the Constitution can automatically enforce such provisions by relieving him of his duty.

b) If the President finds out that the VP or anybody is endangering the security of the state, he has the Supreme Executive Authority to relieve him of his duty. The Former Vice President sought to abandon his post as Vice President and Chairman of the very important Police Council by seeking asylum. That is what is called constructive resignation and threatens the security of the state by leaving an important security arm, the Police Council, without leadership.

3. Why would the President relieve the Vice President of his duty without going through Parliament?

Ans:

a) The Vice President lost an express continuous qualification requirement in sec 41 of the Constitution, that is, membership of a political party. The constitution (Section 51) gives parliament power to initiate removal of the Vice President in relation to two clear situations: gross misconduct of the VP in performance of his duties; and violation of the constitution. The former VP losing his membership of a party does not fall under any of these two ambits, but falls under the fact of the former VP losing his eligibility to hold office because he is no longer a member of a political party. Hence the president cannot go to parliament for this; he had to invoke his Supreme Executive Authority and the fact that he is guardian of the constitution to ensure that a person who has lost one of the continuous requirements for holding the office is removed

b) There is vacancy in the Office of the Vice President already by losing party membership and seeking asylum.

Routes to vacancy include:

i. Abandonment of office

ii. Resignation

iii. Death

iv. Loss of citizenship

v. Loss of party membership

vi. Seeking asylum etc.

vii. Removal by parliament and tribunal

4. Why does the President not wait for the expiration of the 30 days appeal period that the APC constitution provided for before relieving his Vice President of duty?

Ans:

a) He stands expelled. Even in a court of law, a ruling could be implemented before or during an appeal process. The former VP never asked for a stay of his expulsion from the party because he was appealing, he never asked for it.

b) He can still appeal and regain his membership without being VP

5. Does asylum amount to abdication of duty?

Ans:

a) Merely expressing an intention to seek asylum in another country amounts to constructive resignation. The former did not only express an intention, he made moves to do it by calling the American Ambassador and some other officials of foreign missions in the country

b) The President only granted him his wish.

6. Has the President acted unconstitutionally by relieving his Vice President of duty?

Ans:

a) The President merely enforced the provisions of the Constitution as its guardian

b) The VP was expelled from his party which automatically denies him the right to continue as Vice President.

7. Can you be a VP without being a member of a political party?

Ans:

a) The constitution does not make provision for persons who hold the office of President or Vice President to be without a political party. Even in relation to a member of parliament, the Constitution states that he/she should lose his/her seat in parliament if he/she loses membership of a political party whose symbol he/she used to become an MP

8. What is the meaning of Supreme Executive Authority?

Ans:

a) He is the highest person that can make obvious decisions regarding the constitution and the running of the state.

b) Absolute power in enforcing the constitution

c) He is the guardian of the constitution

9. Can the President appoint a VP

Ans:

a) Yes whenever the office of the Vice President is vacant (see sec 54(5) )

10. Can an Ambassador be a VP

Ans:

a) By statutory rules of interpretation known as the Ejus dem generis rule ambassadors fall within the exceptions in sec 171(4), relating to public servants. Ambassador Foh is therefore eligible for appointment into the office and he has been legally appointed

11. Can the public pass judgment on matters in the Supreme Court?

Ans:

a) Nobody has the right to weigh in or make conclusive statements on a matter that is before the Supreme Court, not even lawyers.

It can be swing anyway